In the Philippines, illness is often only half the battle. The other half is a healthcare system where your distance from a hospital bed to a morgue is measured not by medical urgency, but your ability to pay.
This cruelty is perhaps best captured in a single image: a government employee coldly reciting bureaucratic technicalities while a grieving widow or a desperate loved one stands across the counter clutching hospital bills.
The poor know this reality intimately. Many experience delay consultations, skip maintenance medication, or endure worsening conditions because seeking treatment is a luxury they cannot afford.
The middle class learns it differently. They spend decades believing they have built security, only to discover that one diagnosis or accident can vaporize a lifetime of savings in a matter of weeks.
Different circumstances but still the same lesson: in this country, healthcare is often a slippery slope — one that can drain the middle class into poverty and, for the poor, turn illness into an inevitable death sentence.
Consider the case of Marvin Sulit, who died on June 4, 2026, from a brain hematoma. Marvin was not killed by a hemorrhage alone. He was processed to death by a machine of extortion that runs on market logic.
At Manila Doctors Hospital, the price of surgery was reportedly placed at P4 million. Desperate to save costs, his family transferred him to UERM Medical Center. There, they encountered not an open door to emergency care but another financial barrier: a reported P1 million deposit demand before admission.
The image is difficult to shake. A man bleeding into his own skull while the machinery of payment whirred around him. Every passing minute mattered medically yet, conversations still revolved around money.
The Anti-Hospital Deposit Law explicitly prohibits hospitals from demanding deposits as a prerequisite for emergency treatment. Violators face prison terms, million-peso fines, and even the revocation of licenses for repeated offenses.
Hospitals continue to demand deposits because the profits generated by upfront payment often dwarf the risks of enforcement. The law is not merely failing. It is being outpaced by a capitalistic healthcare system that has learned it can place a price tag on survival with little fear of consequence.
Still, the hospital is merely the most visible face. PhilHealth is the quiet partner.
Marvin died less than 24 hours after confinement. While his family grieved, hospital expenses reportedly reached nearly P200,000. When Maria Lourdes, his wife, sought assistance from PhilHealth — an institution her husband had contributed to for more than 25 years — she was met not with relief but with rejection.
PhilHealth reportedly invoked the 24-hour confinement requirement found in Circular No. 2020-0007 to justify denying benefits. To the institution, the matter appeared settled. The confinement was too short, so the claim did not qualify.
But buried within PhilHealth’s own policies are provisions that appear to recognize precisely the circumstances surrounding Marvin’s case. Circular No. 31, Series of 2010, explicitly provides exemptions to the 24-hour requirement for emergency cases, patient transfers, and deaths — stipulations that were met in Marvin’s case. Circular No. 2025-0020 likewise established emergency care benefits intended for precisely these kinds of urgent, life-threatening situations.
Whether through indifference, institutional culture, or a bureaucracy conditioned to default toward denial, the response appears to have prioritized enforcing a technical requirement over exhausting every possible avenue for assistance.
The institution’s first instinct is not to search for a way to provide relief, but to search for a reason it cannot.
This is where the true terror of the state’s retreat reveals itself: in the replacement of care with cost management. Bureaucracy is often portrayed as an unfortunate inefficiency. In reality, it has become one of the system’s most effective cost-containment tools.
“We had no choice but to wait for Marvin to die,” Maria Lourdes wrote those words after her husband died on June 4.
The horror of those words lies not only in what they reveal about one family.
For millions of Filipinos living one paycheck, one emergency, or one hospitalization away from financial collapse, Marvin’s story is shocking not because it is rare, but because it is far too familiar.
Across the country, families postpone treatment because they cannot afford it. Parents sell land, jewelry, vehicles, and homes to pay hospital bills. Workers spend decades accumulating modest savings only to watch them disappear inside billing departments. Others never make it that far. They die waiting.
Healthcare is a business — this is often the defense, when it should be the indictment.
When the system speaks the language of profit before it knows the name of patients, illness ceases to be a human emergency and becomes a financial calculation. A life is no longer measured by how urgently it can be saved, but by how much revenue it can generate and how much cost can be avoided.
Government mechanisms regarded as safety nets often collapse upon contact with reality. No Balance Billing, for example, becomes meaningless when public hospitals run out of medicine and indigent patients are forced to buy supplies from private pharmacies.
Malasakit Centers, envisioned as lifelines for struggling families, frequently bury applicants beneath the same paperwork, signatures, referrals, and administrative hurdles they were created to eliminate.
For decades, the Philippine state has steadily retreated from its responsibility to directly provide healthcare, replacing public guarantees with market solutions.
Since the 1990s, the Philippine state has systematically retreated from its duty to keep its citizens alive, championing the privatization of social services. Under the Universal Health Care Act, PhilHealth was restructured not as a provider of care, but as a “national strategic purchaser,” funneling resources toward large urban hospitals while primary healthcare facilities and rural communities remain underdeveloped.
Instead of directly guaranteeing healthcare through a robust public system, it purchases services from providers operating within a healthcare marketplace. Hence, a citizen is not brought closer to care; a citizen is inserted into a transaction. The state no longer delivers healthcare; it brokers it.
And like every broker, it becomes obsessed with managing costs.
The burden falls on where it has always been: the ordinary Filipinos who are expected to absorb the consequences of a system that has abandoned them.
Meanwhile, the conditions producing sickness remain largely untouched: unsafe housing, contaminated water, malnutrition, precarious employment, low wages, exhaustion applauded as resilience.
Entire communities are forced to live in conditions that manufacture illness, then are blamed and abandoned when they get medical emergencies.
This is the cruel genius of neoliberalism. The poor become patients. Patients become bills. Bills become revenue streams. Revenue streams become growth statistics.
This becomes impossible to ignore when viewed alongside PhilHealth’s finances.
PhilHealth reportedly holds over ₱550 billion in assets and more than ₱463 billion in reserves, yet its role in actually financing healthcare continues to shrink.
While PhilHealth’s share of national health spending fell to just 10.2% in 2023, patients’ out-of-pocket spending reached 44.4% — the largest share in the entire system.
Nearly half of healthcare spending still comes directly from Filipino pockets despite decades of contributions, taxes, premiums, and promises.
This persists despite the Universal Health Care Law’s promise that PhilHealth would become the primary financier of healthcare and reduce the financial burden borne by patients themselves.
Even more disturbing is that while families scramble for hospital deposits and crowd-fund surgeries, the government classified ₱89.9 billion of PhilHealth’s funds as “excess” and ordered that much of it be transferred to the National Treasury.
In December 2025, the Supreme Court unanimously struck down the transfer as unconstitutional, ruling that these funds should have remained within the healthcare system to expand benefits and reduce members’ contributions.
The negligence becomes more evident when placed alongside reports that Health Secretary Teodoro Herbosa and Undersecretary Albert Francis Domingo were investigated over business-class travel upgrades to Geneva for the World Health Assembly.
This exposes the moral bankruptcy at the center of the system.
The issue is not the absence of resources. The issue is political priorities. The issue is that healthcare institutions increasingly behave as custodians of funds rather than guardians of human life.
The result is a cycle that reproduces itself generation after generation.
Poor living conditions increase vulnerability to illness. Illness goes untreated because treatment is expensive. Conditions worsen. Hospitalization becomes necessary. Catastrophic expenses follow. Families sink deeper into poverty. Poverty then creates the conditions for the next illness.
The task before us, then, is not simply reforming a few policies or correcting a few bureaucratic errors. It is rejecting the logic that created this reality in the first place.
Public healthcare must be fully funded rather than treated as an afterthought. Anti-hospital deposit laws must be enforced with genuine accountability. Zero-balance billing must become reality rather than rhetoric. Bureaucratic technicalities that obstruct emergency care must be dismantled.
Most importantly, the principle that healthcare exists to save lives rather than manage costs must be restored.
Because Marvin Sulit’s death poses a question far larger than any single hospital bill: What kind of nation allows survival to depend on purchasing power?
Until we answer that question, there will be more Marvins.
Not because medicine failed them. Not because doctors failed them. But because a healthcare system built in a country that prioritizes profit will always find new ways to make human life conditional.
No one should have to earn the right to stay alive, because no one should be seen as a bill before a life.
Juliana Denise Gamboa is the Associate Editor – External of The Angelite for the Publication Year 2026-2027, and writes opinions under the column “To The Bone”
The views and opinions of the editor does not necessarily reflect those of the publication.





